Turkey’s status as a democracy has been hotly debated in recent years. The country has been under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since 2002. In that time, Turkey has undergone concerning authoritarian shifts that have led many to question if it still meets the criteria to be considered a democracy. As we move into 2024 what is the status of democracy in Turkey?
Background on Turkey’s Democratic Decline
Turkey was long hailed as a model Muslim-majority democracy with free elections and EU membership aspirations. However, in the past decade under Erdogan’s rule, Turkey has experienced a significant democratic backslide. After an attempted coup in 2016 Erdogan imposed a state of emergency and launched an extensive crackdown, arresting tens of thousands accused of links to the coup plotters. He then changed the constitution to implement an executive presidential system that consolidated significant power in his hands.
Erdogan has asserted control over Turkey’s institutions like the media, judiciary, and electoral bodies. He frequently intervenes against government agencies and officials who contradict his wishes. In the controversial 2018 elections that formalized the new presidential system, Erdogan won re-election amid allegations of unfair advantages for the ruling party.
Ongoing Repression in 2024
The government continues to aggressively suppress dissent and limit public discourse In 2023, authorities restricted social media and threatened media outlets over their reporting on a devastating earthquake and upcoming elections Dozens were arrested for social media posts criticizing the government’s response. High-profile journalists remain jailed on dubious terrorism charges.
The 2023 elections, while technically free, were marred by factors like ruling party control of state media and institutions. The opposition faces constant harassment, including violent attacks. Pro-Kurdish parties are especially targeted, with leaders jailed and their parties threatened with closure. The elections consolidated Erdogan’s power, with his party keeping its parliamentary majority.
Overall, while Turkey holds competitive multiparty elections, they are not fair. The opposition faces major obstacles from Erdogan’s institutional dominance and crackdowns. Their ability to increase support and gain power through elections is highly circumscribed.
International Views on Turkey’s Democracy
The negative trajectory of Turkish democracy is recognized globally. Freedom House downgraded Turkey to ‘Not Free’ in 2020. Reports highlight Erdogan’s abuses of power, failure to uphold rule of law, and repression of dissent. The EU has heavily criticized Turkey’s human rights record and democratic backsliding in recent years. Relations are at a standstill, with accession talks frozen since 2018.
The U.S. has also raised serious concerns, sanctioning Turkey over its purchase of a Russian missile system and Erdogan’s authoritarian direction. However, Turkey remains a key NATO ally that the West is reluctant to isolate completely. This gives Erdogan leeway to continue democratic backsliding without major consequences.
Can Turkey Restore Its Democracy?
While the short-term outlook remains bleak, some hold out hope Turkey can reverse course and restore its democracy in the long term. The opposition was able to increase its vote share in recent elections despite the challenges it faces. And while Erdogan retains firm control for now, his popularity has declined amid economic troubles. Much depends on whether the splintered opposition can unite behind a credible alternative vision.
Additionally, while Turkey’s institutions are currently co-opted, democratic traditions are not completely erased. With Erdogan’s eventual exit, a new leader could undertake necessary reforms, strengthen rule of law and rebuild civil liberties. But the longer Erdogan stays in power, the more engrained the authoritarian system will become.
Turkey today is an electoral autocracy rather than a true liberal democracy. While it holds multiparty elections, they are neither free nor fair under conditions set by Erdogan. Opposition parties and civil society face relentless pressure. Dissent is routinely punished. Core tenets of democracy like human rights, judicial independence and press freedom are severely curtailed. Reversing this democratic decline will be difficult after so many years under Erdogan’s consolidated control. For now, Turkey remains under authoritarian rule, with its prospects for a democratic revival uncertain.
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CL Civil Liberties
| Are there free and independent media? | 1.001 4.004 |
The mainstream media, especially television broadcasters, reflect government positions and have often carried identical headlines. Although some independent newspapers and websites continue to operate, they face tremendous political pressure and are routinely targeted for prosecution. More than 150 media outlets were closed in the months after the attempted coup in 2016.
In 2019, the parliament further limited media freedom by placing online video services under the purview of the High Council for Broadcasting (RTÜK), the country’s broadcast regulator. As a result, online video producers must obtain licenses to broadcast in Turkey, even if they operate abroad. The RTÜK’s members are appointed by the parliament, and are almost exclusively members of the AKP or its political ally, the MHP.
New outlet closures and arrests of journalists occur regularly. Journalists were arrested or prosecuted during 2020 for their reporting on Turkey’s military and intelligence operations in Libya and on the government’s response to COVID-19, among other topics. The Committee to Protect Journalists reported that 37 journalists were imprisoned in the country as of December. Kurdish journalists have been disproportionately targeted by the authorities.
The government has continued to expand its attempts to control online sources of news and information. In July 2020, the parliament approved a new law that requires international content providers with more than a million daily users, such as Facebook and Twitter, to have local representation in Turkey and to remove content within 48 hours if so ordered. Companies that fail to comply are subject to heavy fines and eventual restrictions on their bandwidth.
| Are individuals free to practice and express their religious faith or nonbelief in public and private? | 2.002 4.004 |
While the constitution guarantees freedom of religion, the public sphere is increasingly dominated by Sunni Islam. Alevi places of worship are not recognized as such by the government, meaning they cannot access the subsidies available to Sunni mosques. The number of religious schools that promote Sunni Islam has increased under the AKP, and the Turkish public education curriculum includes compulsory religious education courses; while adherents of non-Muslim faiths are generally exempted from these courses, Alevis and nonbelievers have difficulty opting out of them.
Three non-Muslim religious groups—Jews, Orthodox Christians, and Armenian Christians—are officially recognized. However, disputes over property and prohibitions on training of clergy remain problems for these communities, and the rights of unrecognized religious minorities are more limited. Non-Muslims were increasingly targeted with hate speech during 2020, with Armenians in particular subjected to public vilification as the Turkish government supported the Azerbaijani military in its offensive against ethnic Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh.
| Is there academic freedom, and is the educational system free from extensive political indoctrination? | 1.001 4.004 |
Academic freedom, never well respected in Turkey, was weakened further by the AKP’s purge of government and civil society after the 2016 coup attempt. Schools tied to Fethullah Gülen—the Islamic scholar whose movement was blamed for the coup attempt and deemed a terrorist organization in Turkey—have been closed. Thousands of academics have been summarily dismissed for perceived leftist, Gülenist, or PKK sympathies.
In 2018, President Erdoğan issued a decree giving him the power to appoint rectors at both public and private universities. The government and university administrations now routinely intervene to prevent academics from researching sensitive topics, and political pressure has encouraged self-censorship among many scholars.
In January 2020, a group of 20 students from Boğaziçi University were sentenced to 10 months in prison for a campus protest against Turkey’s military actions in Syria. Another seven students were fined. In June, the president issued a decree to close İstanbul Şehir University; the institution had been cofounded by former prime minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, a former ally and current political rival of President Erdoğan. In July, it was reported that Uludağ University had opened an investigation into professor Kayıhan Parla over his reports on the COVID-19 pandemic, which had cast doubt on official statistics regarding case counts and fatalities.
| Are individuals free to express their personal views on political or other sensitive topics without fear of surveillance or retribution? | 1.001 4.004 |
While many Turkish citizens continue to voice their opinions openly with friends and relations, more exercise caution about what they post online or say in public. The arbitrariness of prosecutions for alleged dissent, which often result in pretrial detention and carry the risk of lengthy prison terms, is increasingly creating an atmosphere of self-censorship. During 2020, hundreds of social media users were arrested for “provocative” posts about the COVID-19 pandemic, and others continued to be detained and prosecuted for speech on topics such as the economy, “terrorism,” or military operations.
header1 Overview
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) has ruled Turkey since 2002. After initially passing some liberalizing reforms, the AKP government showed growing contempt for political rights and civil liberties, and it has pursued a dramatic and wide-ranging crackdown on perceived opponents since an attempted coup in 2016. Constitutional changes adopted in 2017 concentrated power in the hands of the president. While Erdoğan continues to exert tremendous power in Turkish politics, opposition victories in 2019 municipal elections and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the already shaky economy have given the government new incentives to suppress dissent and limit public discourse.
Is Turkey’s Democracy in Danger?
FAQ
Is Turkey a free country?
In 2024, Freedom House rated Turkey’s human rights at 33 out of 100 (not free).
Is Turkey a democratic country or not?
Turkey is a presidential representative democracy and a constitutional republic within a pluriform multi-party system, in which the president (the head of state and head of government), parliament, and judiciary share powers reserved to the national government.
Is Turkey safe for Americans?
- Terrorist groups are plotting attacks in Turkey, including in tourist areas, transportation hubs, and other public places
- Security forces have detained US citizens for alleged ties to terrorist groups
What is the political ideology of Turkey?
The Republic of Turkey is a democratic, secular and social state governed by the rule of law; bearing in mind the concepts of public peace, national solidarity and justice; respecting human rights; loyal to the nationalism of Atatürk, and based on the fundamental tenets set forth in the Preamble.
Is Turkey a democracy?
Turkey is a democracy and has been since the 1950s when its multi-party system was established. Elections are a particularly important aspect of Turkey’s democracy; they are credible and the political system is competitive. In the 2023 presidential election, for example, the outcome was uncertain until the result was announced.
How has Turkey slid away from democracy?
For years, analysts have argued that Turkey has slid away from democracy and given way to authoritarian politics—with Erdogan leading the way. A single election does not erase years of calculated efforts to centralize power and remove checks and balances on the president. And yet, despite an uneven playing field, the opposition largely prevailed.
Is Turkey a flawed democracy?
Turkey is a flawed democracy. The political system, until recently, was a parliamentary democracy where the executive power rested with the prime minister. There was also a president who held quite significant power, including making appointments to Turkey’s public universities, high courts and key state institutions.
What happened to democracy in Turkey?
As ever, it depends on which side you speak to in this polarised country. The victims of the post-coup purge, leftists, secularists and Erdogan critics believe democracy here died some time ago as the president, shaken by challenges, expelled or sued opponents and fell back on a close circle of ultra loyalists.
Does Turkey have a presidential system?
In 2018, Turkey instituted a presidential system of government that makes the president the chief national authority and grants the office sweeping executive powers. The president is directly elected for up to two five-year terms but is eligible to run for a third term in the event of early elections.
Should Turkey be a more Resilient Democracy?
That’s worth paying attention to. A more resilient Turkish democracy merits encouragement and hope—not least because, as a global swing state, the choices that Turkey makes may have an impact beyond its borders. Kate Johnston is an associate fellow in the Transatlantic Security Program at the Center for a New American Security.